Ukraine still has a window to boost common ground with China

Here are the main takeaways from my discussions, which fortunately include some points of mutual understanding.

Lastly, Russia is a security threat. The depth of China-Russia relations poses significant risks to both Ukraine-China and Europe-China relations, as articulated in Germany’s strategy towards China.

I noticed there is still a big gap in understanding our aspirations, our current stance on this war and our place on the world map. China still sees Ukraine as a part of Russia’s sphere of influence and believes Ukraine has a very long path towards fully integrating into Europe.

Taipei doesn’t hide its interest in establishing closer relations with Kyiv, and it has become common for the island’s officials to promote a narrative that defending Taiwan is defending Ukraine. Beijing is aware of the pro-Taiwan faction within the Ukrainian parliament and has expressed concerns over the growing closeness between Taipei and Kyiv.

I noticed many ordinary Chinese lament the scarcity of information about Ukraine, marking a critical necessity for Ukraine to engage with influential Chinese media professionals, scholars and cultural figures who could then act as ambassadors for Ukraine’s point of view.

When I was interviewed in Beijing by BBC China, I called on everyone in China to stand on the right side of history and also follow the news on our informational project, Ukraine Online, about Ukraine in Chinese, which was born out of the volunteer work of Ukrainian sinologists after the Russian invasion.

Public, cultural and scholarly diplomacy could still bridge the understanding gap. Western media and academia are engaged with Ukraine, but their Chinese counterparts remain relatively uninvolved.

However, there are a few examples.